The Lottery free essay sample

The Lottery by Shirley Jackson is a short story about a small town and their unique summer tradition. This stories thematic element is conformity and rebellion, showing a clash between two well-articulated positions in which a rebel, on principle, confronts and struggles with established authority (Abacarian and Klotz, 289). Jacksons short story caught my attention through her suspenseful structural technique, and incorporation of a serious, seemingly absurd, event in a nonchalant manner. Mr. Summers, who devotes his time to running civic activities, runs this event very year on June 27th. The children are always the first to assemble, innocent to the severity of the event that is about to occur. The head of the household each picks a piece of paper out of a black box, and keeps it sealed until everyone has picked. At the same time all of the men open their papers, and whoevers family has the paper with the black dot has been selected. We will write a custom essay sample on The Lottery or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page This year, it was the Hutchinson family. Now, the paper with the dot is placed back in the box along with more blank slips to equal the amount of people in the family. They each pick, and the person who picks the lack dot is the winner, who then gets stoned by the town. Until the very end of the short story the reader is very much unaware of the situation and why this lottery is taking place, which is one reason I picked this story. Suspense in a story is one of my favorite elements and always keeps me wanting to read in order to find out what happens. Through most of the story Jackson shows the town quite cheerful and happy, but she begins to hint towards a dramatic event with statements such as a sudden hush fell on the crowd Oackson,342), l wish theyd hurry. I wish theyd hurry Oackson, 343), and a long pause, a breathless pause Oackson, 343). Once I realized what the point of the lottery is, I quickly thought back through the story and realized how apathetic she was towards this event. Throughout the course of the story, Jackson showed many of the characters acting very casual and carefree, even though one of their towns members was about to be stoned. I liked the way Jackson incorporated the idea of stones with the children in the beginning of the story. This makes the reader originally question its relevance and shows the innocence of youth. She then follows later with the elderly man stating that he had been at these lotteries for seventy-seven years, which showed the town being used to the tradition and show normal it was to the society, and how it only negatively affects the person who won and their family. The characters discuss how many towns have gotten rid of this tradition, and Old Man Warner states Nothing but trouble in that,, Old Man Warner said stoutly. Pack of young fools0ackson, 342). This displays the theme of conformity and rebellion, since the younger generations want to get rid of the tradition, and the older enerations with more power over the society believe it is for the best. Even the death of an individual in their town they say is necessary and tradition, which I found astonishing. oliday atmosphere, which concludes with a horrific event. The holiday atmosphere is used to diminish the immortality of the event, but the author successfully uses the happiness to add suspense to the tradition and add a dark twist to the severity of it all. Overall, the suspense positively adds to the structure of the story and the casual aspect of the stoning and death of a citizen follows the theme of conformity and rebellion. The lottery free essay sample Shirley Jackson was a devoted mother and writer. Jackson didn’t fit in well in North Bennington, and the town likely served as the setting for the New England town portrayed in â€Å"The Lottery. † â€Å"The Lottery† caused outrage and controversy when it appeared in the New Yorker in 1948, but many critics now consider it to be Jackson’s most famous work. Jackson was sometimes thought to be a witch because of her interested in witchcraft and black magic. Almost all of Jackson’s work is reflects horror, hauntings, witchcraft, or psychological unease. She also struggled with both mental and physical illnesses as an adult. Unlike other writers, she found the writing process pleasurable. â€Å"The Lottery† starts off in a town on a normal day with children going around and collecting rocks. The men of the households are called forward to a wooden box to draw slips of paper. When one of the men sees that he has the black dot on his slip, his wife immediately starts to argue with how the drawing wasn’t fair. We will write a custom essay sample on The lottery or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The family is brought to the stage where they are to draw their slips of paper. Tess (Mrs. Hutchinson) draws the paper with the black dot and is taken to the center of the town where the town’s people take their stones that the children collected earlier that day. As the villagers close in to primarily take Tess’s life, all you can hear are her terrified shrilling screams. Shirley Jackson in her work â€Å"The Lottery† reveals the corrosive factors that result in our blind acceptance of morally questionable traditions that cause social paralysis. â€Å"The Lottery† starts off as a normal day in the village â€Å"it was clear and sunny with the fresh warmth of a full-summer day† (Jackson 1). This is ironic because it starts off with this allusion of an enjoyable day but really by the end they end up killing one of their own villagers. Jackson does this to create a less serious atmosphere and reflect the attitudes of the community. Instantly, the boys are collecting rocks used to kill the lottery winner at the end of the story. This is an annual thing that the kids do because they have been raised and taught to do so. Because the kids are gradually and systematically exposed to these series of provoking objects and situations, they have become familiar with their actions making it an annual â€Å"game† for the kids (Linz 1). It has become a â€Å"game† for the kids because in the story it states that, â€Å"they gather together quietly for a while before they broke out into boisterous play† and that they â€Å"find the smoothest and roundest rocks to stuff in their pockets. † Because the kids are repeatedly exposed to this violence it diminishes the negative affect that was once upon them. They can no longer see it as wrong or feel remorse. They blindly accept this task thats given to them every year and don’t question it. The constant exposure to violence results in less physiological reactivity to other violent actions going on around them (Linz 1). The killing of the villagers is the violence going on. Collecting stones has become a ritual that they believe is right, because it is what they have been raised to do, even though it is wrong. They are just kids and haven’t been taught that it is morally wrong to be killing friends and family. An example is at the end of the story when Mrs. Hutchinson’s son was handed a few pebbles to throw at his own mother and didn’t hesitate. When they are repeatedly exposed to violence they are less depressed and enjoy the material more with constant subjection (Linz 2). â€Å"Both beamed and laughed (Jackson 6). † This shows how they still find joy in the situation even though they are about to kill a member of their family. The story goes on to talk about the families that are attending this so called lottery. The women are described as â€Å"housewives that gossip† (Jackson 1) and aren’t as authoritative as the men. While the boys are all collecting the stones, the women are â€Å"standing aside talking among themselves. † In the story â€Å"the women began to call their children, and the children came reluctantly, having called four or five times. † When their father calls to them â€Å"they came quickly† (Jackson 1). It is as if their mothers hadnt even said anything. This shows how the men are portrayed as the head of the house and they women more as just the â€Å"housekeeper. † Their voices are not heard in this part of the story and neither at the end when Mrs. Hutchinson claims that, â€Å"It wasn’t fair† and no one does anything about it but continues with the rest of the lottery. Women have been known to rarely work outside the house and live their lives caring for their husbands and children while taking care of their home. Most males are prevailed as the dominant gender. The women are seen on a lower status (Gender Prejudice 1). The lottery seems to be run mostly by the men of the town. They are the ones that are in charge of the black box and most of the ceremony. In the story the women are more resistant to the lottery while the men are the ones in control of it. This results in social paralysis of the town because no one wants to change how the lottery is run or who it’s run by. When its time for the drawing, Mr. Dunbar is unable to draw so because he and his wife don’t have kids the â€Å"Wife draws for the husband† (Jackson 3). This all goes back to the role of the men and women in the village. The women are to produce many children so that it gives their family a better chance of surviving if their spouse is chosen in the first round (Oehlschlaeger 1). Men are the ones that go out and prevail in the business world while their wives stay home all day. When Mrs. Hutchinson arrives late she makes the statement that she â€Å"Thought my old man was out back stacking wood† and that she â€Å"Wouldn’t have me leave m’dishes in the sink (Jackson 2),† implying that her husband was doing the hard labor out in the yard while she was inside doing dishes. They mention that most of the ritual has been forgotten over the years. â€Å"The original paraphernalia for the lottery had been lost long ago (Jackson 1). It has become a habit that no one wants to stop. The lottery has become a social paralysis over time, not allowing anyone to step up and want to change or stop what the lottery is doing to their village. No one questions why they still do it and no one even really knows why they do it in the first place. It has lost its significance over the years and become a yearly act that no one has tried to stop. They don’t want to make a new box because â€Å"No one wanted to upset even as much tradition as was represented by the black box (Jackson 1). Tradition is a belief that has been passes down from generations, just like in â€Å"The Lottery. † Traditions are passes on to gain that sense of continuity and bonding through each other. They are supposed to create that special connection between the families and in this case the town. That’s not what it does though, No one knows the significants of the lottery anymore and no one questions either. Old Man Warner says, â€Å"Pack of crazy fools† to the people that want to give up the lottery. They think that breaking this time-honored tradition would result in them â€Å"living in caves† (Jackson 4). Traditions carry a sense of social and cultural patterns (Tradition 1), such as drawing the paper from the box and having the men draw first then the family. Even though â€Å"So much of the ritual had been forgotten or discarded (Jackson 2),† they still keep that cultural sense to it. The reverence regularly provided in tradition indicates that people follow it willingly even if they don’t know why. â€Å"The people had done it so many times that they only half listened to the directions. † People follow tradition unconsciously because it’s what they are taught to do. This is their blind acceptance of the lottery and social paralysis of not wanting to change what they have continued to do for numerous years. Traditions are invoked to preserve the sanctity of the past family rituals. Societies keep traditions for social connectedness and memories (Tradition 3). Throughout the story, â€Å"The Lottery,† Shirley Jackson uses harsh examples of how the village blindly accepts their morally questionable traditions resulting in social paralysis. They don’t want to change anything about the lottery even though most of the significance has been lost over the years. There is evidence throughout the story that shows how the people blindly accept what they are doing to their town and do it without question. This all demonstrates how society never changes or grows resulting in the social paralysis of the story. Their is social paralysis going on all around the world. Even in Pakistan there are people refusing to act upon the issue of suicide happening at large rates ( Poverty and Social Paralysis. ) The lottery is just an example of how some societies refuse to change even though what they are doing needs to or should be stopped.

Sima de los Huesos, a Key to Human Evolution

Sima de los Huesos, a Key to Human Evolution The Sima de los Huesos (Pit of Bones in Spanish and typically abbreviated as SH) is a lower Paleolithic site, one of several important sections of the Cueva Mayor-Cueva del Silo cave system of the Sierra de Atapuerca in north-central Spain. With a total of at least 28 individual hominid fossils now firmly dated to 430,000 years old, SH is the largest and oldest collection of human remains yet discovered. Site Context The bone pit at Sima de los Huesos is at the bottom of the cave, beneath an abrupt vertical shaft measuring between 2-4 meters (6.5-13 feet) in diameter, and located about .5 kilometers (~1/3 of a mile) in from the Cueva Mayor entrance. That shaft extends downward approximately 13 m (42.5 ft), ending just above the Rampa (Ramp), a 9 m (30 ft) long linear chamber inclined about 32 degrees. At the foot of that ramp is deposit called the Sima de los Huesos, a smoothly oblong chamber measuring 8x4 m (26x13 ft) with irregular ceiling heights between 1-2 m (3-6.5 ft). In the roof of the eastern side of the SH chamber is another vertical shaft, which extends upwards some 5 m (16 ft) to where it is blocked by cave collapse. Human and Animal Bones The sites archaeological deposits include a bone-bearing breccia, mixed with many large fallen blocks of limestone and mud deposits. The bones are mainly composed of at least 166 Middle Pleistocene cave bears (Ursus deningeri) and at least 28 individual humans, represented by more than 6,500 bone fragments including over 500 teeth alone. Other identified animals in the pit include extinct forms of Panthera leo (lion), Felis silvestris (wildcat), Canis lupus (grey wolf), Vulpes vulpes (red fox), and Lynx pardina splaea (Pardel lynx). Relatively few of the animal and human bones are articulated; some of the bones have tooth marks from where carnivores have chewed on them. The current interpretation of how the site came to be is that all the animals and humans fell into the pit from a higher chamber and were trapped and unable to get out. The stratigraphy and layout of the bone deposit suggest  the humans were somehow deposited in the cave before the bears and other carnivores. It is also possible- given the large amount of mud in the pit- that all the bones arrived in this low place in the cave through a series of mudflows. A third and quite controversial hypothesis is that the accumulation of human remains might be the result of mortuary practices (see the discussion of Carbonell and Mosquera below). The Humans A central question for the SH site has been and continues to be who were they? Were they Neanderthal, Denisovan, Early Modern Human, some mixture we havent yet recognized? With the fossil remains of 28 individuals who all lived and died about 430,000 years ago, the SH site has the potential to teach us a great deal about human evolution and how these three populations intersected in the past. Comparisons of nine human skulls and numerous cranial fragments representing at least 13 individuals were first reported in 1997 (Arsuaga et a.). A large variety in cranial capacity and other characteristics were detailed in the publications, but in 1997, the site was thought to be about 300,000 years old, and these scholars concluded that the Sima de los Huesos population was evolutionarily related to Neanderthals as a sister group, and could best fit into the then-refined species of Homo heidelbergensis. That theory was supported by results from a somewhat controversial method redating the site to 530,000 years ago (Bischoff and colleagues, see details below). But in 2012, paleontologist Chris Stringer argued that the 530,000-year-old dates were too old, and, based on morphological attributes, the SH fossils represented an archaic form of Neanderthal, rather than H. heidelbergensis. The latest data (Arsuago et al 2014) answers some of Stringers hesitations. Mitochondrial DNA at SH Research on the cave bear bones reported by Dabney and colleagues revealed that, astonishingly, mitochondrial DNA had been preserved at the site, much older than any other found to date anywhere. Additional investigations on the human remains from SH reported by Meyer and colleagues  redated the site to closer to 400,000 years ago. These studies also supply the surprising notion that the SH population shares some DNA with the  Denisovans, rather than the Neanderthals they look like (and, of course, we dont really know what a Denisovan looks like yet). Arsuaga and colleagues reported a study of 17 complete skulls from SH, agreeing with Stringer that, because of numerous Neanderthal-like characteristics of the crania and mandibles, the population does not fit the  H. heidelbergensis  classification. But the population is, according to the authors, significantly different from other groups such as those at Ceprano and  Arago  caves, and from other Neanderthals, and Arsuaga and colleagues now argue that a separate taxon should be considered for the SH fossils. Sima de los Huesos is now dated to 430,000 years ago, and that places it close to the age predicted for when the split in hominid species creating the Neanderthal and Denisovan lineages occurred. The SH fossils are thus central to the investigations concerning how that might have happened, and what our evolutionary history might be. Sima de los Huesos, a Purposeful Burial Mortality profiles (Bermudez de Castro and colleagues) of the SH population show a high representation of adolescents and prime-age adults  and a low percentage of adults between 20 and 40 years of age. Only one individual was under 10 at the time of death, and none were over 40-45 years old. Thats confusing, because, while 50% of the bones were gnaw-marked, they were in fairly good condition: statistically, say the scholars, there should be more children. Carbonell and Mosquera (2006) argued that Sima de los Huesos represents a purposeful burial, based partly on the recovery of a single quartzite  Acheulean handaxe  (Mode 2) and the complete lack of lithic waste or other habitation waste at all. If they are correct, and they are currently in the minority, Sima de los Huesos would be the earliest example of purposeful human burials known to date, by ~200,000 years or so. Evidence suggesting that at least one of the individuals in the pit died as a result of interpersonal violence was reported in 2015 (Sala et al. 2015). Cranium 17 has multiple impact fractures which occurred near the moment of death, and scholars believe this individual was dead at the time s/he was dropped into the shaft. Sala et al. argue that placing cadavers into the pit was indeed a social practice of the community.   Dating Sima de lost Huesos Uranium-series and Electron Spin Resonance dating of the human fossils reported in 1997 indicated a minimum age of about 200,000 and a probable age of greater than 300,000 years ago, which roughly matched the age of the mammals. In 2007, Bischoff and colleagues reported that a high-precision thermal-ionization mass spectrometry (TIMS) analysis defines the minimum of deposits age as 530,000 years ago. This date led researchers to postulate that the SH hominids were at the beginning of the  Neanderthal  evolutionary lineage, rather than a contemporary, related sister group. However, in 2012, paleontologist Chris Stringer argued that, based on morphological attributes, the SH fossils represent an archaic form of Neanderthal, rather than  H. heidelbergensis, and that the 530,000-year-old date is too old. In 2014, excavators Arsuaga et al reported new dates from a suite of different dating techniques, including Uranium series (U-series) dating of speleothems, thermally transferred  optically stimulated luminescence  (TT-OSL) and post-infrared stimulated luminescence (pIR-IR) dating of sedimentary quartz and feldspar grains, electron spin resonance (ESR) dating of sedimentary quartz, combined ESR/U-series dating of fossil teeth, paleomagnetic analysis of sediments, and biostratigraphy. Dates from most of these techniques clustered around 430,000 years ago. Archaeology The first human fossils were discovered in 1976, by T. Torres, and the first excavations within this unit were conducted by the Sierra de Atapuerca Pleistocene site group under the direction of E. Aguirre. In 1990, this program was undertaken by J. L. Arsuaga, J. M. Bermudez de Castro, and E. Carbonell. Sources Arsuaga JL, Martà ­nez I, Gracia A, Carretero JM, Lorenzo C, Garcà ­a N, and Ortega AI. 1997.  Sima de los Huesos (Sierra de Atapuerca, Spain). The site.  Journal of Human Evolution  33(2–3):109-127. Arsuaga JL, Martà ­nez, Gracia A, and Lorenzo C. 1997a.  The Sima de los Huesos crania (Sierra de Atapuerca, Spain). A comparative study.  Journal of Human Evolution  33(2–3):219-281. Arsuaga JL, Martà ­nez I, Arnold LJ, Aranburu A, Gracia-Tà ©llez A, Sharp WD, Quam RM, Falguà ¨res C, Pantoja-Pà ©rez A, Bischoff JL et al. . 2014.  Neandertal roots: Cranial and chronological evidence from Sima de los Huesos.  Science  344(6190):1358-1363. doi: 10.1126/science.1253958 Bermà ºdez de Castro JM, Martinà ³n-Torres M, Lozano M, Sarmiento S, and Muelo A. 2004.  Paleodemography of the Atapuerca-Sima de los Huesos Hominin Sample: A revision and new appropaches to the paleodemongraphy of the European Middle Pleistocene population.  Journal of Anthropological Research  60(1):5-26. Bischoff JL, Fitzpatrick JA, Leà ³n L, Arsuaga JL, Falgueres C, Bahain JJ, and Bullen T. 1997.  Geology and preliminary dating of the hominid-bearing sedimentary fill of the Sima de los Huesos Chamber, Cueva Mayor of the Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos, Spain.  Journal of Human Evolution  33(2–3):129-154. Bischoff JL, Williams RW, Rosenbauer RJ, Aramburu A, Arsuaga JL, Garcà ­a N, and Cuenca-Bescà ³s G. 2007.  High-resolution U-series dates from the Sima de  Ã‚  Journal of Archaeological Science  34(5):763-770.los  Huesos hominids yields : implications for the evolution of the early Neanderthal lineage. Carbonell E, and Mosquera M. 2006.  The emergence of  a  symbolic   Comptes Rendus Palevol  5(1–2):155-160.behaviour: the  sepulchral pit of  Sima de  los  Huesos, Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos, Spain. Carretero J-M, Rodrà ­guez L, Garcà ­a-Gonzlez R, Arsuaga J-L, Gà ³mez-Olivencia A, Lorenzo C, Bonmatà ­ A, Gracia A, Martà ­nez I, and Quam R. 2012.  Stature estimation from complete long bones in the Middle Pleistocene humans from the Sima de  los  Huesos, Sierra de Atapuerca (Spain).  Journal of Human Evolution  62(2):242-255. Dabney J, Knapp M, Glocke I, Gansauge M-T, Weihmann A, Nickel B, Valdiosera C, Garcà ­a N, Pbo S, Arsuaga J-L et al. 2013.  Complete mitochondrial genome sequence of a Middle Pleistocene cave bear reconstructed from ultrashort DNA fragments.  Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences  110(39):15758-15763. doi: 10.1073/pnas.1314445110 Garcà ­a N, and Arsuaga JL. 2011.  The Sima de  Ã‚  Quaternary Science Reviews  30(11-12):1413-1419.los  Huesos (Burgos, northern Spain): palaeoenvironment and habitats of Homo heidelbergensis during the Middle Pleistocene. Garcà ­a N, Arsuaga JL, and Torres T. 1997.  The carnivore remains from the Sima de  Ã‚  Journal of Human Evolution  33(2–3):155-174.los  Huesos Middle Pleistocene site (Sierra de Atapuerca, Spain). Gracia-Tà ©llez A, Arsuaga J-L, Martà ­nez I, Martà ­n-Francà ©s L, Martinà ³n-Torres M, Bermà ºdez de Castro J-M, Bonmatà ­ A, and Lira J. 2013.  Orofacial pathology in Homo heidelbergensis: The case of Skull 5 from the Sima de los Huesos site (Atapuerca, Spain).  Quaternary International  295:83-93. Hublin J-J. 2014.  How to build a Neandertal.  Science  344(6190):1338-1339. doi: 10.1126/science.1255554 Martinà ³n-Torres M, Bermà ºdez de Castro JM, Gà ³mez-Robles A, Prado-Simà ³n L, and Arsuaga JL. 2012.  Morphological description and comparison of the dental remains from Atapuerca-Sima de los Huesos site (Spain).  Journal of Human Evolution  62(1):7-58. Meyer, Matthias. A mitochondrial genome sequence of a hominin from Sima de los Huesos. Nature volume 505, Qiaomei Fu, Ayinuer Aximu-Petri, et al., Springer Nature Publishing AG, January 16, 2014. Ortega AI, Benito-Calvo A, Pà ©rez-Gonzlez A, Martà ­n-Merino MA, Pà ©rez-Martà ­nez R, Parà ©s JM, Aramburu A, Arsuaga JL, Bermà ºdez de Castro JM, and Carbonell E. 2013.  Evolution of multilevel caves in the Sierra de Atapuerca (Burgos, Spain) and its relation to human occupation.  Geomorphology  196:122-137. Sala N, Arsuaga JL, Pantoja-Pà ©rez A, Pablos A, Martà ­nez I, Quam RM, Gà ³mez-Olivencia A, Bermà ºdez de Castro JM, and Carbonell E. 2015.  Lethal Interpersonal Violence in the Middle Pleistocene.  PLoS ONE  10(5):e0126589. Stringer C. 2012.  The status of Homo heidelbergensis (Schoetensack 1908).  Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews  21(3):101-107.

Rights and potential liabilities of parties Coursework

Rights and potential liabilities of parties - Coursework Example When the goods were loaded from Bristol, Oriental Shipping Limited had to sign the bills of landing. They agreed in the bill that, the goods were in good order but one case was missing. Instead of recording the date as it was, that is 15th August; they recorded the date to be 10th of August. Supreme Coffee Limited obtained an insurance policy for the voyage with Commodity Insurance which incorporated the Institute Cargo Clauses (B). Again, incorrect statement was recorded. They recorded the cost of the cargo as 50,000 pounds instead of 30,000 pounds. This means that the insurance policy was taken out of 50,000 pounds instead of 30,000 pounds. This is over writing of the insurable goods. In this case, it is quit clear that Supreme Coffee Limited obtained an insurance policy with Commodity Insurance. The insurance policy was to cover against any risk of the shipment. Article 1.2.2 of Institute Cargo Clauses (B) provides cover against damage or loss of goods transported caused by washin g overboard or jettison1. Article 1.2.3 provides insurance cover against damage or loss of the subject matter insured caused by entry of river, sea or sea water, into the vessel craft, place of storage or hold conveyance. In addition, Article 1.3 provides insurance cover against total loss of any package whether lost overboard, when unloading from or loading to, craft or vessel2. However, Article 4 provides some exclusion to the insured. According to Article 4.1, insurance policy will not cover against expense or damage brought by willful misconduct of the insured3. Analysis of the case The coffee cases which were taken to the dock were in good condition. When they were taken from the factory by Supreme Coffee Limited, none of them was wet or damaged. It is true to say so because Oriental Shipping Limited confirmed it. Although Oriental Shipping limited was not keen on safety of the coffee cases, it cannot be noted that the cause of damp was caused by spraying of water at the dock. There is no evidence to support this because the fault was not detected when the cases were loaded on to the ship. However, if only part of the cargo was damaged and not all, it will be difficult for the insurance company to be held accountable4. This case is similar to Nelson Marketing International versus Royal Sun Alliance Company of Canada case which took place in year 2006. In the case, the cargo was LTF (Laminated Truck Flooring) and it was moving from Malaysia to California. The cargo was damaged but the main cause was not known. It was no clear whether it was damaged due to moisture inherent or improper care in the laminated truck flooring. The ruling was finally made after 94 days of trial in the Lower Court where a decision of 92 pages was given5. According to the insurer, the exclusion of willful mischief of the insured was applicable. On the other hand, the owner of the cargo complained of the carrier’s negligence in handling and care of the cargo. According to th e court, the damages were not caused by the carrier’s negligence. It was caused by heat in the feeder vessels at voyage time and therefore, the insurer was held responsible. However, in the Court Of Appeals, the decision of the judge was reverse. The court argued that, with the nature of LTF, the damage was bound or certain to happen. The temperatures in the feeder vessels were normal and were expected6. In this case, it is evident and logical to say that, the damage of the cargo was not